Political Dynamics of Identity Politics in Jammu and Kashmir

 

Mohd Shafi Bhat*

 

Govt. Degree College Bijbehara, Anantnag, Jammu & Kashmir

 

ABSTRACT:

 

INTRODUCTION:

Jammu and Kashmir is a highly diverse society. Diversities operate here at multiple levels depicting a complex picture of the society. At the very first level, the state is characterized by religious diversity. The three major religions of Islam, Hinduism and Buddhism have their followers in the state. The Muslims, though concentrated in Kashmir, have significant presence in Jammu as well as Ladakh regions. While the Hindus are concentrated in Jammu region, the Buddhists are concentrated in Ladakh region. Besides the religious diversities, there are regional, cultural, tribal, caste- based and linguistic diversities as well. The state is composed of three regions of Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh. The three regions are not only socially and culturally diverse but are also diverse in terms of their geographical terrains and their historical roots. It was as late as the middle of the 19^th century that the three regions came together to form the state.¹ As a consequence of these developments, the state was formed with three distinct geographical regions, incorporating multiple distinct cultural and linguistic identities. However, for historical, geographic and political reasons, Kashmiri identity remained the prominent and predominant identity of the state. Region is an important marker of the identity in the state and cuts across the religious continuity. Muslims as well as Hindus of one region not only perceive themselves as different from their co-religionists of the other region but also emphasize their regional identity. ²

 

The complex nature of diversities determines the nature of politics. Different identities have their own political aspirations and mutual claims. Divergence of political aspirations leads to multiple identity politics in the state.

Apart from the Kashmiri identity politics that informs the political movement in Kashmir. There is a range of other kinds of identity politics that makes the internal politics of the state significant. While some of these political identities operate parallel to each other, many others are located in a mutually exclusive and contradictory relationship with each other.³ However, all identity politics do not operate within the same paradigm. There is a layered context with each layer having different contexts of its expression. The first layer that encompasses the Kashmiri identity politics makes claims that are rooted in the nationalistic or sub- nationalistic aspirations of the people. The second layer locates itself within the power structure of the state and operates at the regional and sub-regional levels. The third layer situates itself in the context of collective marginalization of various categories.⁴

 

The political salience of Kashmiri identity has come to the forefront during the last two- three decades. The distinctive Kashmiri identity known for tolerance and accommodation has acquired fragmentary character. The composite cultural identity of the Kashmiri people has experienced a severe jolt, especially after the emergence of armed militancy in early 1990s. a wide variety of exclusivist identities have emerged over the years that interrogate the very concept and essence of Kashmiriyat.⁵ Kashmiriyat as distinctive mark and an overarching identity of Kashmiri people constitutes a site of claims and contestation. The political salience of Kashmiri identity has generated multiple manifestations and articulations of identity.⁶ The Kashmiri identity has emerged as a site of politics. Now identity is not merely confined to its cultural domain. Kashmiri identity has moved from cultural domain to political domain. The transformation from cultural to political and its various manifestations cannot be detached from the specific socio-economic and historical roots.⁷

 

The roots of identity politics in Kashmir can be traced to the pre- partition period. It was especially during the period of 1930s when the first manifestation of the assertion of Kashmiri identity and its political articulation in organizational form could be seen. The contours of the Kashmiri identity politics were clearly established between 1932 and 1939.⁸ The religious context of identity had asserted that had asserted itself during the mass response of 1931 had by this time transcended itself to the more progressive agenda of the economic transformation and popular control over political power. The regional marker of Kashmiri identity thereafter became quite sharp as Muslim leadership of Jammu disassociated itself from the Kashmiri politics and followed an altogether different direction.⁹ It was the distinct regional dimension of Kashmiri identity that led Sheikh Abdullah to reject the option of joining Pakistan as it did not have much to offer to Kashmiri’s except the homeland for Muslims.¹⁰ In fact, Sheikh Abdullah saw much advantage in joining India with its democracy, plurality and secular character. With the possibility of negotiating an asymmetrical federal relation with the Indian Union, the Kashmiri nationalism did not have much problem in getting harmonized within the Indian nation- state.¹¹ In opting for India over Pakistan, not only Kashmiri political identity was being secured but the material to the Kashmiri’s accrued through revolutionary land reforms were also being protected.¹²

 

The nationalist question underlying the Kashmiri identity politics that was resolved by constituting a harmonious relationship between the Indian nationalism and Kashmiri nationalism via the special constitutional status of the state of Jammu and Kashmir, was reframed in the post- 1953 period when Sheikh Abdullah was arrested and the logic underlying the Article 370 was questioned from RSS and Jana Sangh.¹³ Praja Parishad started an agitation in Jammu in which the politics of autonomy was opposed under the demand of the Ek Vidhan Ek Pradhan and Ek Nishan. It was during this period that Kashmiri identity politics acquired strong nationalist tones.¹⁵ The Plebiscite Front that was formed in the mid- 1950s replaced the National Conference by providing an alternative political vision to Kashmiri’s. For a prolonged period of twenty years, when the people of Kashmir were under the spell of the Plebiscite Front, the Kashmiri identity was defined through the assertion of Kashmiri nationalism which in essence was based on the idea of contestation of India’s claim over Kashmir.¹⁶

 

Though the philosophy of Kashmiri identity was changed in the post- 1975 period when Sheikh Abdullah joined the power politics, contestation of Kashmir’s relationship with Indian Union remained the reference point of Kashmiri identity. However, the basis of contestation was changed from the issue of accession to the issue of autonomy. ¹⁷The death of Sheikh Abdullah in 1984 led to the change in the identity politics of the state at once. In the wake of dismissal of the legitimately elected government of Farooq Abdullah in 1984, imposition of National Conference- Congress alliance of 1986 and the rigged elections of 1987, the identity politics changed its course back to the contestation of India’s claim on Kashmir, with the massive protests with slogans of azadi on the one hand and armed militancy on the other. With the outbreak of armed militancy some forces came to the forefront claiming the Independent, Islamic and pan- Islamic nature of the Kashmiri identity. ¹⁸

 

Beyond the Kashmiri identity politics, there are various other manifestations of the identities & their politics in Jammu & Kashmir. However, much of the identity politics outside the Kashmir valley is generated either in response of the specificity of the Kashmiri identity politics or in response to the predominance of Kashmir in the power politics of the state.¹⁹ Much of the regional assertion is manifested in a manner that reflects a pronounced distance from the Kashmiri political position, not only through the politics of azadi but also through the politics of autonomy, on the one hand and a declared proximity to the Indian Union on the other.²⁰ For instance, the Ladakhi Buddhist Association’s politics revolves around the demand for union territory for Ladakh which is a classic case in this context. Similarly in Jammu, there is a reflection of this in the opposition to Kashmiri’s demand for autonomy. However, it is the political divergence within the state that gets reflected in the regional politics of Jammu & Ladakh.²¹ The concerns of these regions as well as sub- regions are specific to the issue of power sharing within the state as well as within the region. Political concerns in the regions of Jammu & Ladakh revolve around the Kashmir- centric politics of the state and inter- regional relationships. Much of the regional politics has Kashmir as its reference point. Both in the regions of Jammu & Ladakh, there is a political discourse that revolves around the issues related to the regional deprivation & neglect.²² Kashmir in this discourse not only forms the centre of power structure but also seen as controlling the economic & material resources. It is on this basis that the popular perceptions have been articulated around the concept of regional imbalances and a number of agitations have been organized both in the Jammu as well as in Ladakh.²³ Besides these issues, it is the ideological stance around the final status of the state that provides emotional substance to the identity politics. In response to the emotive identity politics of Kashmir, an equally emotive response is generated & sought to be presented as Jammu’s response representing its divergence from Kashmiri politics, which in this context gets linked with the opposition of the Kashmiri identity politics.²⁴

 

CONCLUSION:

Despite the varying perceptions about autonomy and available options, it need to be underlined that only a federal option having component of substantive autonomy could be the way out for overcoming the complex web of problem with which the state is inflicted with. The recommendations of the SAC on the question of restructuring centre- state constitutional relations will be trend setting for Indian federalism. However equally important is the labours of the committee on regional autonomy. The regional autonomy model provided by the RAC would strengthen not only the federal fabric but also inter- regional affairs of large and complex Indian states, including Jammu and Kashmir. These relations favour the emergence of a nation- wide movement towards the creation of a genuinely federalized and decentralized India based on the values of democratic nationalism, secularism and composite culture. Actualization of the federal principle of self- rule combined with shared- rule can mitigate the autonomy aspirations of the Kashmiri people.

 

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